The New Russian Front Канада

NATO Pushes Baltic Front: Canadian Jets Intercept Russian Plane and Sweden’s ‘Russian Sub Hoax’

Now that NATO has firmly planted its feed in the southeastern European front by feeding arms and coordinating intelligence and logistics with the CIA-backed Ukrainian government in Kiev, military technocrats in the Belgian city on Mons have their sights set on the crucial northern Baltic front.

According to NATO’s press office this week, Two Canadian CF-18 Hornet jets scrambled Monday from the Siauliai Air Base in Lithuania – to intercept a Russian Ilyushin-20 surveillance plane. NATO claims the Canadian fighters shadowed the Russian craft for 15 minutes before disengaging.

NATO added, “There were two similar incidents in the region on Oct. 7 and Sept. 11, but on neither occasion did the Russian aircraft constitute a threat to NATO forces”.

This story would have struggled to grab any headlines this week however, as media were swamped with new Ebola scares and a staged shooting event at Canada’s Parliament.

DAHBOO77 gives commentary on the air force intercept:
This latest high-flying PR event over the Baltic is following Sweden’s fake reports of a Russian sub in Swedish territorial waters earlier this week. As a result of this week’s ‘Sub Hoax’ (below) and the NATO air intercept, Swedish Defense Forces announced this week that it will cease all existing cooperation with Russia “until further notice”.

Critics believe the sub hoax has been engineered to push Sweden closer to joining NATO by pumping up a new ‘Russian Threat’ to influence Swedish voters to accepting their country’s membership into the military union.

RT reported on Sweden’s bizarre ‘Russian Sub Hoax’:

“Sweden started its largest since the Cold War military operation in the Baltic a week ago, explaining that the troops were engaged in search of a possible “foreign underwater activity”. The Swedish media alleged the operation could be the hunt for a “damaged Russian submarine” in the area.”

HUNT FOR RED OCTOBER: Swedish Navy pretending to hunt for a fictional Russian sub.

Amusingly, Russian officials chastised the reactionary Swedish DOD who conducted their largest-ever naval operation since WWII – in order to search out a non-existent Russian submarine, which was mostly likely a Dutch submarine:

On Sunday the Russian Defense Ministry provided whatever aid it could to the Swedes in their futile search,” the source commented.

The source added that if the Swedish Navy wanted to spare taxpayers’ money and nerves, they should turn to The Netherlands. The country’s Walrus-class diesel-electric submarine Bruinvis was in the Baltic Sea last week, not far from Stockholm.

READ MORE NATO NEWS AT: 21st Century Wire NATO Files

The New Russian Kalibr Missiles Can Threaten US Cities

MOSCOW, Russia – Russia’s Kalibr cruise missiles have two major qualities that worry the Western Navy, according to the US magazine The National Interest.

According to the issue, the missiles first fly low on the surface of the water, thus preventing them from being detected by enemy radars and depriving the target of time to react to the threat, author Michael Peck explained.

Secondly, Kalibr missiles are universal, and can be used to equip small military ships such as corvettes, for example, he added.

“Kalibr provides even modest platforms, such as corvettes, with significant offensive capability and, with the use of the land attack missile, all platforms have a significant ability to hold distant fixed ground targets at risk using conventional warheads,” said a Russian defense official in 2011. “The proliferation of this capability within the new Russian Navy is profoundly changing its ability to deter, threaten or destroy adversary targets. It can be logically assumed that Kalibr capability will be retrofitted on those larger Soviet legacy ships and submarines that undergo major overhauls and/or modernization.”

According to The National Interest, US intelligence is aware of the technical features of Kalibr’s existing modifications. In 2015, the US Navy Naval Intelligence Command examined missile capabilities, finding that Russian ships equipped with existing Kalibr missiles, positioned in the Norwegian, Black, Caspian and Barents seas, can “cover” areas from France to Iran and Kazakhstan.

“Effectiveness requires capabilities such as sensors and command and control networks. Still, if Kalibr can turn even a small Russian warship into a ship-killer or land attack platform, that’s a powerful capability,” reads the story.

Initially, the Kalibr cruise missiles were designed to equip the multi-purpose nuclear submarines of the 885 Yasen project. Then the missiles were used to arm both the nuclear submarines of the 636 project and surface ships.

The Kalibr missile range is approximately 2,500km. For the first time, the missiles were used against the terrorists of Syria on September 7, 2015. Then Russian military ships launched 26 cruise missiles from the waters of the Caspian Sea.

Ukraine Reports Russian Invasion on a New Front

DONETSK, Ukraine — Determined to preserve the pro-Russian revolt in eastern Ukraine, Russia reinforced what Western and Ukrainian officials described as a stealth invasion on Wednesday, sending armored troops across the border as it expanded the conflict to a new section of Ukrainian territory.

The latest incursion, which Ukraine’s military said included five armored personnel carriers, was at least the third movement of troops and weapons from Russia across the southeast part of the border this week, further blunting the momentum Ukrainian forces have made in weakening the insurgents in their redoubts of Donetsk and Luhansk farther north. Evidence of a possible turn was seen in the panicky retreat of Ukrainian soldiers on Tuesday from a force they said had come over the Russian border.

Russia, which has denied it is helping the insurgents, did not acknowledge the military movements. But the Russians have signaled that they would not countenance a defeat of an insurgency in the heavily Russian eastern part of Ukraine, which would amount to a significant domestic political setback for President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia in his increasingly fractious relationship with the United States and its European allies.

“Russia is clearly trying to put its finger on the scale to tip things back in favor of its proxies,” said a senior American official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was discussing intelligence reports. “Artillery barrages and other Russian military actions have taken their toll on the Ukrainian military.”

The Russian military movements carried the potential to poison any hope that a halt to the five-month-old conflict was any closer, one day after the presidents of both countries, at a meeting in Belarus, professed their desire for a solution. Russia’s behavior also raised the possibility of punitive new Western economic sanctions as a reprisal.

Andriy Lysenko, a spokesman for the Ukrainian military in Kiev, said the Russian armored column entered the town of Amvrosiyivka, south of Donetsk, expanding what Western and Ukrainian officials have described as one of the main fronts in a multipronged counteroffensive directed by Russia. This week, Ukraine accused Russia of sending an armored column toward the coastal city of Mariupol, far from the fighting around Luhansk and Donetsk, with the aim of diverting Ukrainian forces to deal with that new threat.

The Obama administration accused Russia of lying about its intentions, while European officials angrily demanded answers from the Kremlin. Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, who perhaps has the most cordial relationship with Mr. Putin, telephoned him on Wednesday to request an explanation, her office said.

Evidence that Russia was seeking to change the course of the conflict was abundant this week in the small southeast border town of Novoazovsk, where Ukrainian forces beat a nervous retreat on Tuesday, under attack from what fleeing soldiers described as columns of tanks, artillery and combat troops coming across the border.

Exhausted, filthy and dismayed, some Ukrainian soldiers staggering out of Novoazovsk for safer territory said they were cannon fodder for the attacking forces. As they spoke, tank shells whistled in from the east and exploded nearby.

Some of the Ukrainian soldiers appeared unwilling to fight. The commander of their unit, part of the Ninth Brigade from Vinnytsia, in western Ukraine, barked at the men to turn around, to no effect. “All right,” the commander said. “Anybody who refuses to fight, sit apart from the others.” Eleven men did, while the others returned to the city.

Some troops were in full retreat: A city busload of them careened past on the highway headed west, and purple curtains flapped through windows shot out by gunfire.

More fighting and shelling punctuated the area around the town on Wednesday, although it was unclear whether the assailants were Russian forces or members of the Donetsk People’s Republic, the name the separatists have given themselves.

The Obama administration, which has imposed increasingly punitive economic sanctions on Russia because of the Ukraine crisis, has asserted over the past week that the Russians had moved artillery, air-defense systems and armor to help the separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk.

“These incursions indicate a Russian-directed counteroffensive is likely underway,” Jen Psaki, the State Department spokeswoman, said Wednesday. At the department’s daily briefing in Washington, Ms. Psaki also criticized what she called the Russian government’s “unwillingness to tell the truth” that its military had sent soldiers as deep as 30 miles inside Ukraine territory.

Ms. Psaki apparently was referring to videos of captured Russian soldiers, distributed by the Ukrainian government on Tuesday, that directly challenged Mr. Putin’s assertions that Russia is a mere bystander in the conflict. The videos were publicized just as Mr. Putin was meeting with his Ukraine counterpart, Petro O. Poroshenko, in Belarus.

Russian forces have been trying to help the separatists break the siege of Luhansk and have been fighting to open a corridor to Donetsk from the Russian border, Western officials say.

To the south, Russia has been backing a separatist push toward Mariupol, a major port on the Sea of Azov, according to Western and Ukrainian officials. The Russian aim, one Western official said, may possibly be to seize an outlet to the sea in the event that Russia tries to establish a separatist enclave in eastern Ukraine.

Some Western officials fear the move might even be a step in what they suspect is a broader Russian strategy to carve out a land link to Crimea, the strategic Ukrainian peninsula that Russia annexed in March, setting off Moscow’s worst crisis with the West since the Cold War.

The Russian military’s use of artillery from within Ukraine is of special concern to Western military officials, who say Russian artillery has already been used to shell Ukrainian forces near Luhansk. And along with the antiaircraft systems operated by separatists or Russian forces inside Ukraine, the artillery has the potential to alter the balance of power in the struggle for control of eastern Ukraine.

The separatists have asserted that they are using captured Ukrainian equipment. But American officials say they are confident that the artillery in the Krasnodon area of Ukraine is Russia’s since Ukrainian forces have not penetrated that deeply into that separatist-controlled region. American officials also say the separatists have no experience in using such weaponry.

The United States has photographs that show the Russian artillery moved into Ukraine, American officials say. One photo dated last Thursday, shown to a New York Times reporter, shows Russian military units moving self-propelled artillery into Ukraine. Another photo, dated Saturday, shows the artillery in firing positions in Ukraine.

Advanced air defenses, including systems not known to be in the Ukrainian arsenal, have also been used to blunt the Ukrainian military’s air power, American officials say. In addition, they said, the Russian military routinely flies drones over Ukraine and shares the intelligence with the separatists.

In Novoazovsk, at least, there was no doubt among the retreating Ukrainians that their assailants were coming from Russia.

On the highway in Novoazovsk on Tuesday, Sgt. Ihor Sharapov, a soldier with the Ukrainian border patrol unit, said he had seen tanks drive across the border, although they were marked with flags of the Donetsk People’s Republic. Others suggested the flags were a ruse.

“I tell you they are Russians, but this is what proof I have,” said Sgt. Aleksei Panko, holding up his thumb and index finger to form a zero. Sergeant Panko estimated that about 60 armored vehicles crossed near Novoazovsk. “This is what happened: They crossed the border, took up positions and started shooting.”

The Ukrainian Vinnytsia brigade met the cross-border advance over the six miles of countryside separating Novoazovsk from the Russian border, but later retreated to the western edge of town along the Rostov-Mariupol highway, where soldiers were collapsed in exhaustion on the roadside. “This is now a war with Russia,” Sergeant Panko said.

The counteroffensive that Ukrainian officers said was at least in part staged across the border from Russia pushed the Ukrainian Army off a 75-mile-long highway from Donetsk south to the Azov Sea.

On Wednesday, it amounted to a no-man’s land of empty villages, roads crisscrossed by armored vehicle treads, felled trees and grass fires burning out of control, and panoramas of sunflowers and corn rotting.

The New Russian Front Канада

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Сейчас из каждого утюга раздаются надрывный плач оппозиционеров, что Путин у них пенсии украл.Рыдают, что теперь из-за пенсионной реформы они до пенсии не .

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If Russia Had ‘Freed’ Canada

Special Report: The U.S. government defined events in Ukraine as a “pro-democracy” revolution battling “Russian aggression” — at least as far as the world’s mainstream media was concerned. But what if the script were flipped, asks Joe Lauria.

As the United States plans to move thousands of NATO troops to Russia’s borders and continues to bolster a fiercely anti-Russian regime in neighboring Ukraine, the official line in Washington and its subservient corporate media is that beneficent America is simply seeking to curtail Moscow’s “aggression.” But the U.S. government and media might look at things quite differently if the shoe were on the other foot.

What, for instance, would the U.S. reaction be if Russia instead had supported the violent overthrow of, say, Canada’s government and assisted the new Ottawa regime’s “anti-terrorist operations” against a few rebellious “pro-American” provinces, including one that voted 96 percent in a referendum to reject the new Russian-backed authorities and attach itself to the U.S.?

Russian President Vladimir Putin laying a wreath at Russia’s Tomb of the Unknown Soldier on May 8, 2014, as part of the observance of the World War II Victory over Germany.

If the U.S. government tried to help these embattled “pro-American” Canadians – and protect the breakaway province against the Russian-installed regime – would Washington see itself as the “aggressor” or as simply helping people resist anti-democratic repression? Would it view Russian troop movements to the U.S. border as a way to stop an American “invasion” or rather an act of “aggression” and provocation by Russia against the United States?

The Ukraine Reality

Before playing out this hypothetical scenario, let’s look at the actual scene in Ukraine today as opposed to the gross distortion of reality fed the American people by the U.S. mainstream media the past two years. The reality is not the State Department’s fable of a pro-democracy “revolution” cleaning up corruption and putting Ukrainian people first.

In the real world instead, extreme right-wing nationalists took control of a popular protest by mostly western Ukrainians to spearhead a violent coup that succeeded on Feb. 22, 2014, in overthrowing President Viktor Yanukovych, a man whom I interviewed in 2013 after he had been democratically chosen in an election certified by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Proof of the U.S. role in the coup came in a leaked telephone conversation several weeks earlier between U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Victoria Nuland, and Geoffrey Pyatt, the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. In the conversation, Nuland and Pyatt discussed how the U.S. could “midwife” the unconstitutional change of government and they rated which Ukrainian politicians should be put in charge, with Nuland declaring “Yats is the guy,” a reference to Arseniy Yatsenyuk.

Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Victoria Nuland during a press conference at the U.S. Embassy in Kiev, Ukraine, on Feb. 7, 2014. (U.S. State Department photo)

As for the European Union’s less aggressive approach to the Ukraine situation, Nuland declared: “Fuck the E.U.”

Nevertheless, after the coup, Western governments denied there ever was a coup, peddling the line that Yanukovych simply “ran away,” as though he woke up one morning and decided he didn’t want to be president anymore.

In fact, on Feb. 21, to contain the mounting violence, Yanukovych signed a European-brokered deal to reduce his powers and to hold early elections. But the next day, as right-wing street-fighters overran government buildings, Yanukovych fled for his life – and the West moved quickly to consolidate a new government under anti-Russian politicians, including Nuland’s choice—Yats as prime minister. (Yatsenyuk remained prime minister until last month when he resigned amid complaints that his stewardship had been disastrous for the Ukrainian people.)

A Resistance Emerges

Since the vast majority of Yanukovych’s support came from the ethnically Russian eastern half of the country, some Yanukovych backers rose up to challenge the legitimacy of the coup regime and to defend Ukraine’s democratic process.

Instead the West portrayed this resistance as a Russian-instigated rebellion against the newly minted and U.S.-certified “legitimate” government that then launched a violent repression of eastern Ukrainians who were deemed “terrorists.”

When Russia supported the resisters with weapons, money and some volunteers, the West accused Russia of an “invasion” and “aggression” in the east. But there has never been satellite imagery or other proof of this alleged full-scale Russian “invasion.”

In the midst of the Kiev “anti-terrorist” offensive in the east, on July 17, 2014, a Malaysian commercial airliner, Flight MH-17, was shot out of the sky, killing all 298 people on board. The United States, again offering no proof, immediately blamed Russia.

A Malaysia Airways’ Boeing 777 like the one that crashed in eastern Ukraine on July 17, 2014. (Photo credit: Aero Icarus from Zürich, Switzerland)

Over the past year, the fighting has been largely contained after Russian, Ukrainian and European leaders negotiated the Minsk Accords, though they are far from being implemented and widespread violence could break out again at any time.

Throughout the entire crisis the United States has insisted its motives are pure, including its new plans for deploying some 4,000 NATO troops, including about half American, on Russia’s Eastern European borders north of Ukraine.

President Barack Obama told the U.N. General Assembly last year that the U.S. had no economic interests in Ukraine. But former State Department official Natalie Jaresko served as Ukraine’s finance minister until recently and Vice President Joe Biden’s son sits on the board of a major Ukrainian company. U.S. investment also has increased since the coup.

Ex-American diplomat Natalie Jaresko, who served as Ukraine’s Finance Minister from December 2014 to April 2020.

Yanukovych’s overthrow occurred after he chose a Russian economic plan rather than sign an association agreement with the European Union, which Ukrainian economic analysts warned would cost the country $160 billion in lost trade with Russia.

The E.U. plan would also have opened Ukraine to Western neoliberal economic strategies designed to exploit the country for the benefit of Western capital and local oligarchs (one of whom, Petro Poroshenko, emerged as the new president).

Turning the Tables

To help American readers better understand what has transpired in Ukraine, it may be useful to see what it would be like if the tables were turned. What would the story be like if Russia played the role of the U.S. and Canada the role of Ukraine? Most Americans would not be pleased.

In this reverse scenario, the world’s mainstream media would follow Moscow’s line and present the story as a U.S. “invasion” of Canada. The media would explain the movement of Russian troops to the U.S. border as nothing more than a peaceful step to deter U.S. “aggression.”

But Americans might see matters differently, siding with the breakaway Maritime provinces resisting the Moscow-engineered violent coup d’etat in Ottawa. In this scenario, Prince Edwards Islanders would have voted by over 90 percent to secede from the pro-Russian regime in Ottawa and join the United States, as Crimea did in the case of Ukraine. People in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick – stressing their close historic ties to America – also would make clear their desire not to be violently absorbed by the Ottawa coup regime.

In this alternative scenario, Moscow would condemn Prince Edwards Island’s referendum as a “sham” and vow never to accept its “illegal” secession. The popular resistance in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick would be denounced as “terrorism” justifying a brutal military crackdown by Russian-backed Canadian federal troops dispatched to crush the dissent. In this “anti-terrorist operation” against the breakaway region, residential areas would be shelled killing thousands of civilians and devastating towns and cities.

In this endeavor, the Canadian army would be joined by Russian-supported neo-fascist battalions that had played a crucial role in the overthrow of the Canadian government. In the Maritime city of Halifax, these extremists would burn alive at least 40 pro-U.S. civilians who took refugee in a trade union building. The new government in Ottawa would make no effort to protect the victims, nor conduct a serious investigation to punish the perpetrators.

Ignoring a Leak

Meanwhile, proof that Russia was behind the overthrow of the elected Canadian prime minister would be revealed in a leaked conversation between Moscow’s foreign ministry chief of the North America department and the Russian ambassador to Canada.

According to a transcript of the leaked conversation, the Moscow-based official would discuss who the new Canadian leaders should be several weeks before the coup took place. Russia would launch the coup when Canada decided to take a loan package from the U.S.-based International Monetary Fund that had fewer strings attached than a loan from Russia.

Russia’s ally in Beijing would be reluctant to back the coup. But this would seem to be of little concern to Moscow’s man who is heard on the tape saying, “Fuck China.” Although this conversation would be posted on YouTube, its contents and import would be largely ignored by the global mainstream media, which would insist there was no coup in Ottawa.

Yet, weeks before the coup, the Russian foreign ministry official would be filmed visiting protesters camped out in Parliament Square in Ottawa demanding the ouster of the prime minister. The Russian official would give out cakes to the demonstrators.

The foreign ministers of Russian-allied Belarus and Cuba would also march with the protesters through the streets of Ottawa against the government. The world’s mainstream media would portray these demands for an unconstitutional change of government as an act of “democracy” and a desire to end “corruption.”

In a speech, the Russian foreign ministry official would remind Canadian businessmen that Russia had spent $5 billion over the past decade to “bring democracy” to Canada, much of that money spent training “civil society” activists and funding anti-government “journalists.” The use of these non-governmental organizations to overthrow foreign governments that stand in the way of Russia’s economic and geo-strategic interests would have been well documented but largely ignored by the global mainstream media.

But recognizing the danger from these “color revolution” strategies, the United States would move to ban Russian NGOs from operating in the U.S., a tactic that would be denounced by Russia as America’s rejection of “democracy.”

The Coup Succeeds

The Canadian coup would take place as protesters violently clashed with police, breaking through barricades and killing a number of police officers. Snipers would fire on the police and the crowd from a nearby Parliament Square building under the control of hardline pro-Russian extremists. But the Russian government and the mainstream media would blame the killings on the embattled Canadian prime minister.

To stem the violence, the prime minister would offer to call early elections but instead would be driven from office violently by the pro-Russian street gangs. Russia and the global mainstream news media would praise the overthrow as a great step for democracy and would hail the pro-Russian street fighters who had died in the coup as the “Heavenly Hundred.”

Following the coup, Russian lawmakers would compare President Barack Obama to Adolf Hitler for allegedly sending U.S. troops into the breakaway provinces to protect the populations from violent repression, and for accepting the pleas of the people of Prince Edward Island to secede from this new Canada.

Obama would be widely accused of ordering an “American invasion” and committing an act of “American aggression” in violation of international law. But the Maritimes would note that they had long ties to the U.S. dating back to the American Revolution and didn’t want to live under a new regime imposed by a faraway foreign power.

President Barack Obama meets with President Vladimir Putin of Russia on the sidelines of the G20 Summit at Regnum Carya Resort in Antalya, Turkey, Sunday, Nov. 15, 2015. National Security Advisior Susan E. Rice listens at left. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Russia would claim intelligence proving that U.S. tanks crossed the Maine border into New Brunswick, but would fail to make the evidence public. Russia would also refuse to reveal satellite imagery supporting the charge. But the claims would still be widely accepted by the world’s mainstream news media.

For its part, Washington would deny it invaded but say some American volunteers had entered the Canadian province to join the fight, a claim met with widespread media derision. Russia’s puppet prime minister in Ottawa would offer as proof of an American invasion just six passports of U.S. soldiers found in New Brunswick.

Taking Aim at Washington

When – during one of the new regime’s “anti-terrorist” offensives – a passenger jet would be shot down over Nova Scotia killing all onboard, Russia would accuse President Obama of being behind the outrage, charging that the U.S. had provided the powerful anti-aircraft missile needed to reach a plane flying at 33,000 feet.

But Moscow would refuse to release any intelligence to support its claim, which would nevertheless be accepted by world’s mainstream media.

The plane’s shoot-down would enable Russia to rally China and other international allies into imposing a harsh economic boycott of America to punish it for its “aggression.”

To bring “good government” to Canada and to deal with its collapsing economy, a former Russian foreign ministry official would be installed as Canada’s finance minister, receiving Canadian citizenship on her first day on the job.

Of course, Russia would deny that it had economic interests in Canada, simply wanting to help the country free itself from oppressive American domination. But Russian agribusiness companies would take stakes in Albertan wheat fields and the son of Russia’s prime minister as well as other well-connected Russians would join the board of Canada’s largest oil company just weeks after the coup.

Russia’s ultimate aim, beginning with the imposition of the sanctions on the U.S. economy, would appear to be a “color revolution” in Washington, to overthrow the U.S. government and install a Russia-friendly American president.

This goal would become clear from numerous statements by Russian officials and academics. A former Russian national security adviser would say that the United States should be broken up into three countries and write that Canada would be the stepping stone to this U.S. regime change. If the U.S. loses Canada, he would declare, it would fail to control North America.

But the world’s mainstream media would continue to frame the Canadian crisis as a simple case of “American aggression.”

This fictional scenario perhaps lays bare the absurdity of the U.S. version of events in Ukraine.

Joe Lauria is a veteran foreign-affairs journalist based at the U.N. since 1990. He has written for the Boston Globe, the London Daily Telegraph, the Johannesburg Star, the Montreal Gazette, the Wall Street Journal and other newspapers. He can be reached at and followed on Twitter at @unjoe.

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19 comments for “ If Russia Had ‘Freed’ Canada ”

First rate article Mr. Lauria. It just got an even wider audience, through the subscriber-based Johnson’s Russia List, which is where I found it. It would be nice to think that, someday, something other than propaganda will define U.S. policy and public debates. In the meanwhile, it was refreshing to read your essay’s reasoned account.

The tragic, disugusting, and pathetic fact is that Americans just don’t care and proudly ignore Ukrainian events.
You’re being negative, why do you tell me Russian propaganda?
You’re a conspiracy theorist!
Let’s go see Captain America!

In Joseph Kinsey Howard’s 1972 book,” Strange empire : Louis Riel and the Métis people” I have learned that the United States of America has attacked/invaded Canada three times in the last 385 years. The last time being in 1812 at Queenston Heights, Ontario. > Do I trust American Capitalism or wealth? Not as far as I can see them.

‘O Canada’ sailed into The Yehuda Triangle (New York – London – Tel Aviv)
and out sailed Zio-America Jr.

For me, the biggest problem is that people forget history. I am also a Canadian and I actually thought up that analogy as well about Russia overthrowing our Canadian government. Actually in my scenario, it would be like Quebec voting in the Canadian government. Then the Canadian government is overthrown in a coup. The new coup Canadian Government tries to remove French as an official language in Canada and is overly hostile to the French population in Canada. So the people of Quebec overwhelmingly vote to leave Canada and become part of France again (I believe that we have had 2 referendums both being close to 50% already, so if our government tried to remove French I know for a fact Quebec would be gone). Anyway, that is how I see the Crimea situation.

Back to history, all that someone has to do is look at US backed coups where the US government, using the CIA, paid protesters, paid opposition government officials, and create propaganda campaigns in opposition media. Look back at the coup in Iran in 1953.

CNN: “In declassified document, CIA acknowledges role in ’53 Iran coup” (August 19, 2013):

Shortly after Mossadegh’s election, the CIA began to plan his overthrow. The goal of the coup was to elevate the strength of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and appoint a new prime minister — Gen. Fazlollah Zahedi.

*****Before the coup, the agency — along with the British Secret Intelligence Service — helped foment anti-Mossadegh fervor using propaganda, according to CIA documents. “In Iran, CIA and SIS propaganda assets were to conduct an increasingly intensified effort through the press, handbills and the Tehran clergy in a campaign designed to weaken the Mossadeq government in any way possible,” Wilber wrote.*****

*****On August 19, 1953, the coup swung into full effect as the CIA and British intelligence agency helped pull pro-Shah forces together and organized large protests against Mossadegh.*****

“The Army very soon joined the pro-Shah movement and by noon that day it was clear that Tehran, as well as certain provincial areas, were controlled by pro-Shah street groups and Army units,” Wilber wrote. “By the end of 19 August … members of the Mossadeq government were either in hiding or were incarcerated.”
In order to provide Zahedi, the country’s new prime minister, with some stability, the “CIA covertly made available $5,000,000 within two days of Zahedi’s assumptions of power.”

After the coup, Mossadegh was sentenced to death, but the sentence was never carried out. The former leader died in Tehran in 1967.

Also here is the document which has more detail about how the CIA manipulated protests (along with maps):

Yeah, PEI voting to leave Canada does not sound as plausible indeed. Quebec fits the bill much better. And Jean Chretien was prepared to send troops to Quebec after the last referendum. However, the thing I find most ridiculous in this scenario is why on Earth Russia would want to meddle in Canada’s affairs? And in fact this question is the most germane one too. I still cannot understand why the US are meddling in Ukraine as well as in numerous other places. Nobody, Russia, China, nobody does that and even thinks of doing anything like that. And this is very much detrimental to the real US interests too. Can’t understand, really. Well, now and then there have been cases, of course, that some dictator regimes acted against the best interests of their peoples. But aren’t we talking about the model of democracy and all that? LOL, really.

Wow this is one of the BEST articles about how the whole Ukraine debacle went down I’ve ever read. The analogy of Russia fomenting a virulently anti-American coup in Canada, then doing everything it can to fund, train, and arm the new Canadian regime and help them crush the Maritime pro-American provinces is brilliant. This certainly makes it all crystal clear in my mind.

Great job Mr. Lauria! Kudos!

Putin goes to Samurais to Japan . Prime minister the Japanese Shinzo Abe in Sochi would like to invite this year Vladimir Putin to the your small homeland, in Yamaguti’s prefecture .

Expert assessment of Academy of Geopolitics.


In the conditions of unusual mystery the Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe arrives on May 6 to Sochi where will hold an informal meeting with the president of Russia Vladimir Putin. On the eve of a trip both the prime minister, and the persons involved in preparation of visit, interview on this subject didn’t give and didn’t arrange briefings. The reason was obvious – they were afraid, what even the next standard mention that Tokyo would like to receive the Southern Kuriles, will cause an abrupt reply from Moscow that in advance will spoil the atmosphere of an informal meeting in the Russian Black Sea subtropics.

And to swear doesn’t enter plans of Japanese – the prime minister Abe extremely needs success of its trip to Sochi for the sake of which he even dared to ignore council of the U.S. President Barack Obama not to weaken the mode of sanctions excessively active contacts with Russia. In June in Japan the elections to the upper house of parliament, extremely important for the present government, are coming. On the economic front to the prime minister to brag there is nothing – therefore the diplomatic success is necessary. On the American direction stagnation in connection with the coming nearer elections in the USA, with China sharply to make friends isn’t present chances.

And here at a meeting in Sochi the prime minister expects to achieve from the partner of words which can be given out at known dexterity for progress at negotiations on territories. In Tokyo not without the bases count that Russia now nevertheless will depart from limit rigidity which it showed everything the last months when at the different levels I declared that the issue of islands was forever resolved in 1945 and has no relation to signing of the peace treaty. Now, in anticipation of Abe’s visit, from Moscow signal that are ready to speak nevertheless on this subject and to study it at the level of experts, though don’t promise as on Wednesday Dmitry Peskov told, “momentary serious progress”.

And here the Japanese prime minister obviously counts on him. And he, and people from an environment Abes constantly repeat that hope for “historical” shifts across the Southern Kuriles during 2020. When , in their opinion, some the factors, extremely favorable for Tokyo, connect. The USA against presidential race and fast leaving of Obama obviously weaken a grasp which constrained the Far East ally in his maneuvers on the Russian front. Moscow as are sure of Tokyo, is extremely interested in weakening of sanctions or at least in demonstration of that Japan, remaining the closest ally of the USA, insists on active dialogue with Moscow and not in everything observes discipline of the member of “seven”.

That is especially important against that its summit this year will take place at the end of May in Japan – just after Abe’s trip to Sochi. Already one this fact is extremely favorable to Moscow as makes impression of that the current chairman of club of leaders of G-7 on the eve of their annual meeting considers necessary to hold consultations with the head of Russia and to learn his opinion on the major world problems.

In Tokyo count also that present economic difficulties will also make Russia more inclined to dialogue. Showing readiness for cooperation on this direction, the prime minister Abe is lucky in Sochi as it is reported, the program from certain 8 points which , it seems, provide also cooperation in development of hydrocarbons, and development of city infrastructure in Russia, and construction of the medical centers, and assistance in development of the Russian Far East, including agriculture.

Not clearly, as far as all this will seem attractive to Moscow. However the prime minister Abe radiates optimism – information that in case of success of conversations in Sochi he would like to invite this year Vladimir Putin to the small homeland, in Yamaguti’s prefecture known for samurai traditions in the extreme southwest of the main Japanese island of Honshu slipped. That as it is reported, in the informal rural atmosphere , slowly, to talk about destiny of islands even more in details.

The peace treaty between Russia and Japan it isn’t possible to sign without solution of questions with China today.

Arayik Sargsyan, academician, Honorary Consul of Macedonia in Armenia, Pres >

I have often given just this example of Russia-in-Canada vs. US-in-Ukraine.

If Russia had subverted the government of Canada or Mexico by means of a coup, as the US did in Ukraine, and was shelling a few remaining “rebel” cities at the US border, and the US was sending volunteers and supplies to the defenders, advocates of US policy in Ukraine would take the opposite position, proving their falseness. They would claim that the US should do far more than Russia has done to stabilize border states under subversion. Russia has shown far more restraint than the US would, and finally it must protect its borders from military aggression.

Again it is the US right wing demanding power by trumping up foreign monsters to pose as protectors and accuse their moral superiors of disloyalty.

Frankly, I don’t find the left/right wing paradigm to be so useful in modern politics but nonetheless, most would consider Obama to be center left. It is under Obama’s executive watch that the US has been involved in interventionist disasters in Libya, Syria, and Ukraine. As such, your last statement seems like an unreasonable blanket statement. Certainly, most of the right wing politicians who possess any clout are interventionists but so are most of the centrist and center left politicians. Meanwhile, the right wing populists and the libertarian minded people are mostly non-interventionist.

Yes, the libertarians are a curious exception and regard themselves as “right wing.” I am referring to the classical right wing, the “tyrants” described by Aristotle who take over democracies by creating foreign enemies to pose as protectors to demand domestic power and accuse their opponents of disloyalty.

Most of those in the US who call themselves “conservative” in practice conserve nothing but their own wealth and power.

Agreed that most US politicians who call themselves center-left are interventionists with no good cause, and I consider them to be right wing. There are almost zero known left or center-left politicians in the US, because only the right wing is given money to participate in politics.

Jerad… Don’t forget the coup in Honduras in 2009 that was pulled off by a graduate of the School of the America’s located in Fort Benning, Georgia (now WHINSEC) and supported by Hillary Clinton.

Between all of the austerity, a failed upkeep of infrastructure, and unwanted refugee infusions, I see a future of Western Society being attacked from within. Just look at how the American voters are seeking out a candidate of independent stature. This includes especially America’s European cousins, who are also looking for their new savior, as well. On top of all of these wars, which are draining not only people’s lives, but are especially draining our money resources, there are these trade agreements for people to deal with. I think what we are seeing this year, with our US elections, is just a forerunner of what is yet to come, and that maybe a total revolution against the establishment. There is another generation coming upon the scene, and they are angry. Angry, because they are noticing how in debt they are, before they even had a chance to start a life of their own. So, Russia may have fertile ground to help grow dissent inside of Western countries who have signed on to this quest for hegemony. This articles analogy may actually be something which could occur, and Russia may not have to do anything, but watch.

Attached is a letter to the editor of mine that the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel published back in Feb. 2015. In the letter I point out some of what Mr. Lauria does;

As we sit on the brink of a possible major proxy war between two nuclear armed super powers, an imperfect analogy is illustrative.

Imagine if a foreign nation halfway around the world that’s equipped with thousands of nuclear weapons, fomented a coup d’etat throughout southern Canada using its powerful intelligence agencies and diplomatic muscle. This antagonistic foreign nation then installs a puppet regime on America’s doorstep that’s openly aggressive toward Washington and proceeds to target militarily United States citizens who happen to reside in the southern Canadian provinces. Then imagine that throughout America’s history it had suffered numerous violent and bloody invasions via its northern border.

The U.S. population, entire media establishment, Washington intelligence agencies and U.S. military brass would be deeply alarmed about this hostile nation from halfway around the world that’s caused the coup and all the resultant carnage and upheaval in America’s northern border region.

This is the position Russia currently finds itself in. If we’re to follow Immanuel Kant’s categorical imperative, it would be the ethical responsibility of the hostile nation that fomented the coup to stand down, halt the propaganda war and rein in its violent proxies.

Amazing that you got your remarks published in a mainstream American newspaper, as any “leftist” ideas are rigorously censored from the American press, even statements by distinguished journalists, scholars and former intelligence operatives who know and wish to share the truth with the American people. Often, I cannot even get comments posted on internet forums, if the “patriotic” position is not in the majority (and sometimes even if it is). My offerings just disappear into the ether, or I am accused of being a paid Putin troll living in St. Petersburg. I am not of Russian extraction and my family has been living in this country since 1850, both sides having come over from Bismarck’s Germany. I am simply someone with a respect for the truth, justice and what used to be the American way. (I fear that even Superman is now a fascist.)

You make all great points Realist.

It was indeed curious that they published my letter, after all, the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel is the state paper of record in Wisconsin and a major establishment newspaper of course. My letter was buried on a “letters” page that was filled with a slew of other readers’ letters so maybe they figured it wouldn’t really stick out too much. Thanks for reading my post.

Oh, one interesting thing the editorial board did excise out of my letter is a sentence I had included that mentioned how neo-Nazis were involved in the Ukrainian putsch. THAT sentence was carefully excised out and didn’t the see the light of day.

A French documentary film on Ukraine has recently aroused arguments on the topic of Neo-Nazis’ role in Ukraine.

Ukraine – The Masks of the revolution” by Paul Moreira

Several foreign correspondents claim that the film is controversial, gives an untrue picture of the happenings, should not be shown as it enforces Putin’s view of the events. Funny argument about Putin’s view, shouldn’t we have the right to know the arguments of the other side? What if they are correct? The film is rather cruel, showing the burning of the Trade Union House in Odessa, with relatives of the victims telling their stories.

Ukrainian Embassy in Paris tried to stop the film being shown on French TV, Swedish TV had scheduled the film to be shown a few days ago, but has “postponed” it, until they clear out some details with the director. So they say.
Luckily, the film can be viewed on the internet.

Thanks for the info Lisa.

Mr. Robert Parry and other very credible sources have all proven and acknowledged that neo-Nazis indeed made up a part of the coup plotters forces and they also made up a faction of the Ukrainian murderers in southern and eastern Ukraine. It’s no longer an opinion at this point, it’s an incontrovertible fact. Sure, the neo-Nazis weren’t the primary players but they were definitely a piece of the rightwing Ukrainian coup orchestrators and fighting force.

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Canada’s Siberian Expedition

Экспедиция Канады в Сибирь

Why Siberia?

What brought 4,200 Canadians to Vladivostok during one of the darkest moments in the city’s history? How did the social and geopolitical impulses of the First World War and the Russian Revolution lead to the deployment of soldiers from Canada and a dozen other Allied countries to Siberia and the Russian Far East?

Graphic adapted by Benjamin Isitt

Canada’s Intervention in the Russian Civil War.

View more photos like this in the archive

The Canadian Expeditionary Force (Siberia) was the sixth-largest overseas military force in Canada’s history. 1 It was also Canada’s first foray in the Far East and the country’s major intervention in the Russian Civil War. Smaller Canadian contingents served at the ports of Murmansk and Arkhangelsk in northwestern Russia (500 and 600 soldiers, respectively) and at Baku on the Caspian Sea (in present-day Azerbaijan, where 41 Canadians joined British troops from Baghdad to occupy the Caspian oil fields). What were the Canadians doing in Russia?

Canada’s aims in Russia shifted from beginning to end — combining military strategy, diplomacy, economics, and ideology.

The Russian Revolution

Sidney Rodger Collection, Beamsville, Ontario

Vladivostok’s Golden Horn Bay, 1918. The picturesque harbour filled with foreign warships in the months following the November revolution. They lay at anchor until the Vladivostok Soviet was toppled by Allied forces in June 1918.

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Canada sent soldiers to Siberia after social revolution removed Russia from the First World War. According to machine-gun officer Raymond Massey, «The expedition was to help complete what Winston Churchill had termed the ‘Cordon Sanitaire,’ which was to contain the Bolshevik revolution.» 2

Militarily, the Siberian Expedition must be understood in the context of four years of bloody warfare on the Western Front. Sixty-six thousand Canadians perished in the trenches of France and Flanders, in a war that Canada entered automatically because of its subordinate role in the British Empire. Half a million Canadians were injured, scarring an entire generation. Meanwhile, Canada’s government introduced conscription — the Military Service Act 1917 — when voluntary enlistments dried up. As the war progressed, Canada began to exert some influence over its foreign policy. Prime Minister Robert Borden participated in meetings of the Imperial War Cabinet in London.

In 1917, Russia was a firm ally of Canada. A group of Canadian military officers toured the country in March 1917, as Czar Nicholas II prepared a major offensive on the Eastern Front. The Canadians were staying at the Astoria Hotel in the capital city, Petrograd, when the March Revolution erupted. Demonstrations by female textile workers escalated into a political crisis that forced the Czar to abdicate the throne. The 300-year Romanov monarchy was over.

Over the next six months, power shifted from the Provisional Government of Aleksandr Kerensky to the Soviets — councils of workers’, soldiers’, and peasants’ deputies. Kerensky was a moderate socialist, who wanted to transform Russia into a liberal democracy and continue the war against Germany. But the Soviets rejected this view. They demanded an «immediate peace» and far-reaching economic reforms, reflecting the influence of the radical Bolshevik Party (the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party).

Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

Vladimir Ilich Lenin, Bolshevik Party leader and Premier of Russia after the November 1917 Revolution. An intellectual who had spent years in exile, Lenin and his Marxist colleagues «studied revolution their whole lives,» according to professor Boris Kolonitskii of the St-Petersburg Institute of History. They won over sections of the Russian masses with the slogans “Peace, Land, and Bread” and “All Power to the Soviets.»

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The Bolsheviks

The Bolsheviks seized power in November 1917, as troops deserted the front. Russia began a seventy-year experiment with socialism. Private property was confiscated, while the Bolsheviks repudiated all debt owed to foreign banks — including 13 billion rubles the Czar had borrowed from Britain and France to finance the war.

At the port of Vladivostok in the Russian Far East, 700,000 tons of war materials overflowed on the wharves. This included 30,000 railway wheels shipped from Canada for the Czar’s army. To guarantee Allied loans, the Czar sent gold in the opposite direction, on four ships from Vladivostok to Vancouver, and then by train to a Bank of England vault in Ottawa. 3

Percy Francis Collection, Las Vegas, Nevada

Cases of ammunition stockpiled on the Vladivostok wharves. Nearly 700,000 tons of war material had been shipped by the Allies to aid the Czar’s forces before the Revolution.

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Canada and the Allies refused to recognize the new Bolshevik government, which the press described as “the enthronement of anarchy at Petrograd.” 4 But some Canadians had the opposite view, revealing tensions in Canada between working people, employers, and the government. Class conflict existed before the war, but it intensified as a result of conscription, censorship and the high cost of living.

Members of the Socialist Party of Canada welcomed the Bolshevik Revolution as a logical response to war and the inequality of the capitalist system. Joseph Naylor, a Vancouver Island coal miner and president of the BC Federation of Labor, expressed this point of view:

«Is it not high time that the workers of the western world take action similar to that of the Russian Bolsheviki and dispose of their masters as those brave Russians are now doing?» 5

The Borden government considered such views to be subversive, a menace to law and order in Canada. The prime minister appointed Montreal lawyer Charles Cahan to investigate «Bolshevik Influences» in Canada. Cahan, who was soon appointed Director of Public Safety, represented firms including the Canadian Car Company, which had manufactured the railway wheels for the Czar’s government.

When the Bolsheviks invited all warring nations to a peace conference, the Allies ignored the invitation. The Bolsheviks responded by signing a separate peace agreement with Germany, the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and published secret treaties the Czar had signed with the Allies.

Russia had become an enemy of Canada.

The White Movement

Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

White troops moving forward in Siberia. According to American journalist Albert Rhys Williams: «In the attempt to strangle the Soviets a steel ring of bayonets, thousands of versts long, was thrown around Russia.»

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Opposition to the Bolsheviks emerged within Russia — the «White» movement against the «Reds» — on the Don River in European Russia, in the Siberian interior, and in the Russian Far East. General Dmitri Horvath, a former confidante of the Czar, mobilized an army in the Chinese city of Harbin, Manchuria. Horvath was manager of the Chinese Eastern Railroad, which connected Vladivostok to the main Trans-Siberian Railroad.

Siberian Expedition Collection

General Dmitri Horvath, former manager of the Chinese Eastern Railway and a confidante of the Czar. Horvath was propelled into power when the Allies and Czech’s toppled the Vladivostok Soviet.

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In December 1917, Chinese troops in Harbin disarmed pro-Bolshevik Russians — the first foreign involvement in Russia’s Civil War. The next month, Japan sent the warships Iwami and Asahi to Vladivostok’s Golden Horn Bay, followed by the British cruisers HMS Suffolk and Kent. In February, the Americans deployed the warship USS Brooklyn. Japanese marines landed ashore in March to protect the consulate.

Robert McNay Collection, Katrine, Ontario

British warship HMS Kent moored on the wharf at Golden Horn Bay, Vladivostok, c. 1918.

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The Allied Occupation of Vladivostok

In Vladivostok, the 700,000 tons of Allied war material remained stockpiled on the wharves, stranded by supply problems along the Trans-Siberian Railroad. A Bolshevik administration took power, led by a 24-year-old university student named Konstantin Sukhanov, backed by a majority on the local Soviet. As workers began seizing Vladivostok factories and the Military Port, Allied diplomats and businessmen grew alarmed.

Others foreigners eyed Siberia’s abundant resources and markets, vacated by the German-owned Kunst & Albers Company, which operated a vast retail-wholesale network in the Russian Far East. «This is a wonderful chance for Canada,» Canadian intelligence officer James Mackintosh Bell informed the Prime Minister. 6

V.K. Arseniev State Museum of Primorsky Region, Vladivostok, Russia

Konstantin (Kostya) Sukhanov, future president of the Vladivostok Soviet (1917-18), then a university student in Petrograd where he joined the revolutionary movement. Photo taken in St. Petersburg, c. 1911-1916.

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In May 1918, the Trans-Siberian Railroad came under the control of the Czecho-Slovak Legion, a peculiar military force that had been marooned by the revolution. Consisting of 66,000 former prisoners of war, the Czecho-Slovaks clashed with the Red Army and seized a 6,000-kilometre stretch of the railroad from the Ural Mountains to Vladivostok. This «army without a country» formed the advance party of Allied Intervention.

On June 28, 1918, the Czecho-Slovaks spearheaded the Allied occupation of Vladivostok. Japanese, British, American and Chinese marines landed from warships in Golden Horn Bay, seizing the railroad station, the powder magazine, and other strategic points. The Czechs toppled the local Soviet, arresting Sukhanov and killing 44 armed longshore workers holed up in the Red Staff building. Twenty thousand Vladivostok citizens attended a «Red Funeral.» Power passed to the White Russian cabinet of General Horvath.

Canada’s Intervention

Department of National Defence, Canadian Military Journal Collection

Canadian prime minister Sir Robert Borden and a young Sir Winston Churchill, London, July 1918. The Imperial War Cabinet decided in July 1918 to send troops to Siberia to intervene in Russia’s civil war.

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This was the context in which Canada’s Prime Minister, Sir Robert Borden, committed troops for Russia. Borden spent the summer of 1918 in London, where the Imperial War Cabinet decided to intervene on four fronts surrounding the Bolshevik government. Because of Vladivostok’s geographic proximity from Canada’s West Coast, 1,500 British troops were placed under the Canadian command.

Canada’s privy council approved the formation of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (Siberia) as an array of foreign troops converged on Siberia and the Russian Far East: 70,000 Japanese, 12,000 Americans, 2,000 Italians, 12,000 Poles, 4,000 Serbs, 4,000 Romanians, 5,000 Chinese, and 1,850 French troops. When combined with the Czecho-Slovak Legion and White Russian forces, the total anti-Bolshevik strength between the Urals and the Pacific exceeded 350,000 troops.

United States Library of Congress

Lithograph depicting the landing of Japanese troops at Vladivostok, c. August 1918.

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Sidney Rodger Collection, Beamsville, Ontario

Postcard of American Expeditionary Force marching down Svetlanskaya Street the day of their landing at Vladivostok, August 1918.

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V.K. Arseniev State Museum of Primorsky Region, Vladivostok, Russia

Admiral Aleksandr Vasilevich Kolchak, head of the White «All-Russian» Government based at Omsk, ally of Canada, and former commander of the Czar’s Black Sea Fleet.

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In November 1918, the war ended on the Western Front and the White Russians underwent a change of command. Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak, former commander of the Czar’s Black Sea fleet, staged a coup at the Siberian city of Omsk. Kolchak proclaimed himself dictator of an «All-Russian government,» promising to unify White forces. The Allies had their point man in Siberia.


  • 1 The CEFS was exceeded in size by Canadian contingents in the Boer War (1899-1902), the First World War in Europe (1914-18), the Second World War (1939-45), and the Korean War (1950-53), as well as the Cold War-era deployment of the 4th Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group to West Germany (1951-93).
  • 2 Raymond Massey, When I Was Young (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 200.
  • 3 Jonathan D. Smele, “White Gold: The Imperial Russian Gold Reserve in the Anti-Bolshevik East, 1918–? (An Unconcluded Chapter in the History of the Russian Civil War),” Europe-Asia Studies 46, 8 (1994): 1317–47; «Cannot Get Labor to Discharge Cargo,» Colonist, 15 March 1917.
  • 4 “M. Lenine’s Coup D’Etat,” Daily Colonist, 9 November 1917.
  • 5 «Lenine’s Doctrine Scares Ruling Class,» British Columbia Federationist (Vancouver), 14 December 1917.
  • 6 Robert N. Murby, “Canadian Economic Commission to Siberia, 1918–1919,” Canadian Slavonic Papers 11, 3 (1969): 374–93; Lothar Deeg, Kunst & Albers Wladiwostok: Die Geschichte eines deutschen Handelshauses im russischen Fernen Osten 1864-1924 (Essen: Klartext-Verlagsges, 1996); James Mackintosh Bell, Side Lights on the Siberian Campaign (Toronto: Ryerson, n.d. [c. 1922]).
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Pourquoi la Sibérie?

Pourquoi 4200 Canadiens furent-ils transportés à Vladivostok lors d’un des plus sombres moments de l’histoire de la ville? Comment est-ce que les élans sociales et géopolitiques de la Première Guerre Mondiale et de la Révolution russe a put mener au déploiement de soldats canadiens et d’une douzaine d’autres pays Alliés à la Sibérie et l’Extrême-Orient russe?

Graphique adapté par Benjamin Isitt

Intervention canadienne dans la guerre civile russe.

Voir d’autres photos semblables dans l’archive

La Force Expéditionnaire canadienne (en Sibérie) fut la sixième plus importante présence militaire canadienne internationale de l’histoire du pays. 1 Ce fut également la première incursion canadienne dans l’Extrême-Orient et la plus importante du Canada dans la guerre civile russe. De petites brigades canadiennes servirent dans les ports de Mourmansk et d’Arkhangelsk dans le nord-ouest de la Russie (500 et 600 soldats, respectivement) et à Bakou près de la mer Caspienne (dans l’actuel Azerbaïdjan, où 41 Canadiens rejoignirent des troupes britanniques de Bagdad pour occuper les réserves de pétrole Caspiennes). Qu’est-ce que faisaient les canadiens en Russie?

Chronologie des objectifs canadiens en Russie du début jusqu’à la fin – englobant leur stratégie militaire, diplomatique, économique et idéologique.

La Révolution russe

Collection Sidney Rodger, Beamsville, Ontario

Baie « Golden Horn », 1918. Le port pittoresque fut rempli de navires de guerres étrangers dans les mois qui suivirent la Révolution de novembre. Ils étaient ancrés jusqu’à ce que le Soviet de Vladivostok fut renversé par les forces Alliées en juin 1918.

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Les forces canadiennes furent envoyés en Sibérie suivant la Révolution sociale qui mènera au retrait de la Russie de la Triple-Entente pendant la Première Guerre Mondiale. Selon l’Officier Mitrailleur Raymond Massey, « Le but de l’expédition fut d’aider à terminer ce que nomma Winston Churchill le « cordon sanitaire » qui devait contenir la Révolution Bolchévik ». 2

L’expédition sibérienne ne peut être séparée de sa conjoncture militaire dont quatre années de guerre sanglantes sur le Front de l’Ouest. Entré dans cette guerre automatiquement en raison de son rôle subordonné dans l’Empire britannique, soixante-six mille Canadiens furent tués et un demi-million blessés dans les tranchées françaises et flamandes. C’est à dire une génération entière. Le gouvernement canadien introduira entre-temps la conscription — l’Acte de Service Militaire de 1917 — quand le nombre de volontaires diminua. Le Canada développa une influence autonome sur sa politique étrangère pendant la guerre grâce à la participation du Premier Ministre Robert Borden aux réunions du Cabinet de Guerre Impérial à Londres.

En 1917, l’alliance entre le Canada et la Russie semblait inébranlable. Un groupe d’officiers militaires canadiens visita le pays en mars 1917, lorsque le Tsar Nicolas II prépara une grande offensive sur le Front de l’Est. Les Canadiens furent hébergés à l’Hôtel Astoria, dans la capitale Petrograd, lorsque la Révolution de mars éclata. Des manifestations d’ouvriers dégénéra en crise politique et précipita l’abdication du Tsar. Ceci fut la fin de la dynastie Romanov, monarques russes pendant 300 ans.

Au cours des six prochains mois, le pouvoir passa du gouvernement provisoire d’Aleksandr Kerensky aux Soviets — conseils de travailleurs, de soldats, et députés paysans. Kérensky, un socialiste modéré, voulait transformer la Russie en démocratie libérale et poursuivre la guerre contre l’Allemagne. Mais les Soviétiques rejeta son programme. Ils exigèrent une « paix immédiate » et d’importante réformes économiques, reflétant l’influence du parti radical Bolchévik (le parti Social-Démocrate des Travailleurs).

Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

Vladimir Ilitch Lénine, chef du Parti Bolchévik et le Premier Ministre de la Russie suivant la Révolution de novembre 1917. Lénine, un intellectuel qui passa des années en exil, et ses collègues marxistes « étudièrent la révolution toute leur vie », selon le professeur Boris Kolonitskii de l’Institut de St-Pétersbourg d’Histoire. Ils cultivèrent le support des masses russes avec les slogans « paix, terre, et pain » et « tout le pouvoir aux Soviets ».

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Les Bolchéviks

Les Bolchéviks prirent le pouvoir en novembre 1917, lorsque les troupes russes désertèrent le front. La Russie commença ainsi une expérience socialiste qui dura soixante-dix ans. La propriété privée fut confisqué, tandis que les Bolchéviks répudièrent toute dette étrangères — incluant 13 milliards de roubles que le Tsar emprunta de la Grande-Bretagne et de la France pour financer ses efforts militaires.

700 000 tonnes de matériel de guerre surchargèrent les quais du port de Vladivostok, comprenant 30 000 roues de train expédiés du Canada pour l’armée tsariste. Pour garantir ses dettes aux Alliés, le Tsar leurs envoya de l’or sur quatre navires qui partirent de Vladivostok pour Vancouver et continuèrent par train jusqu’à la Banque d’Angleterre à Ottawa. 3

Collection Francis Percy, Las Vegas, Nevada

Des caisses de munitions stockées sur les quais de Vladivostok. Près de 700 000 tonnes de matériel de guerre furent livrés par les Alliés pour aider les forces du Tsar antérieurement à la Révolution.

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Le Canada et les Alliés refusèrent de reconnaître le nouveau gouvernement Bolchévik, dont la presse décrivit comme « le couronnement de l’anarchie à Pétrograd ». 4 Mais certains Canadiens furent d’un autre avis, révélant les tensions sociales au Canada entre travailleurs, employeurs et gouvernement. Des conflits de classe existait bien avant la guerre, mais ils s’accrurent par suite de la conscription, la censure et hausse du coût de vie.

Les membres du Parti Socialiste du Canada accueillirent la Révolution Bolchévik comme conséquence logique de la guerre et de l’injustice du système capitaliste. Joseph Naylor, un mineur de charbon de l’Ile de Vancouver et président de la « BC Federation of Labor », exprima ce point de vue:

« N’est-il pas grand temps que les travailleurs du monde occidental prennent des mesures semblable à celle des Bolchéviks russes et se débarrasser de leurs maîtres comme le fait présentement les braves russes? » 5

Borden et son gouvernement estima de telle propos séditieux, un danger pour l’ordre public, et nomma l’avocat montréalais Charles Cahan comme enquêteur « d’influences Bolchéviks » au Canada. Cahan, bientôt nommé Directeur de la Sécurité Publique, représentait les intérêts des firmes canadiennes telles que la Compagnie de Voitures Canadienne, qui avait fabriqué les roues de train pour le Tsar.

Les Bolchéviks invitèrent les Alliés à une conférence de paix, qu’ils refusèrent d’assister. Le traité de Brest-Litovsk, un accord de paix entre l’Allemagne et le gouvernement Bolchévik, fut conséquemment signé, et ces derniers publièrent les ententes secrètes du Tsar avec les Alliés.

La Russie devenue ainsi l’ennemi du Canada.

Le Mouvement blanc

Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

Troupes Blanches s’avançant en Sibérie. Selon le journaliste américain Albert Rhys Williams: « Avec l’objectif d’affaiblir les Soviétiques, un cordon d’acier de baïonnettes mesurant des milliers de verstes fut ériger autour de la Russie. »

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Un mouvement de résistance contre les Bolchéviks émergea en Russie — les « Blancs » contre les « Rouges » — sur la rivière Don en Russie occidentale, dans l’intérieur sibérien, et dans l’Extrême-Orient russe. L’ancien confident du Tsar Général Dmitri Horvath mobilisa une armée dans la ville chinoise de Harbin, en Mandchourie. Horvath fut directeur du Chemin de Fer de la Chine de l’Est, qui lia Vladivostok au Chemin de Fer Transsibérien.

Collection Expédition Sibérienne

L’ancien directeur de la Chemin de fer de la Chine de l’Est et confident du Tsar Général Dmitri Horvath. Horvath fut mené au pouvoir lorsque les Alliés et tchèque renversa le Soviet de Vladivostok.

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En décembre 1917, des troupes chinoises d’Harbin désarma les russes pro-Bolchévik — ce fut la première participation d’étrangère dans la guerre civile russe. Le mois suivant, le Japon envoya des navires de guerre Iwami et Asahi à la Baie « Golden Horn » à Vladivostok, qui furent suivis par les croiseurs britanniques HMS Suffolk et Kent. En février, les Américains déployèrent le navire de guerre USS Brooklyn. Des Marines japonaise débarquèrent en mars pour protéger leur consulat.

Collection Robert McNay, Katrine, Ontario

Navire de guerre HMS Kent amarré sur le quai de la Baie « Golden Horn », Vladivostok, c. 1918.

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L’occupation Alliées de Vladivostok

À Vladivostok 700 000 tonnes de matériel de guerre alliés languira sur les quais, rendu immobile par des problèmes d’approvisionnement le long du Chemin de Fer Transsibérien. Entre temps une administration Bolchévik prit le pouvoir, dirigé par un étudiant d’université de 24 ans nommé Konstantin Sukhanov, et soutenue par la majorité du Soviet local. Au fur que les travailleurs commencèrent à saisir les usines de Vladivostok et le port militaire, les diplomates et hommes d’affaires Alliés s’alarmèrent.

D’autres étrangers avaient l’œil sur les ressources abondantes et les marchés de la Sibérie, abandonnés par la compagnie allemandes Kunst & Albers, qui exploitait un vaste réseau commerciale en Extrême-Orient russe. L’Officier de Renseignement canadien James Mackintosh Bell informa le Premier Ministre que « Ceci est une occasion formidable pour le Canada ». 6

Musée d’État V.K. Arseniev de la région Primorsky, Vladivostok, Russie

Konstantin (Kostya) Sukhanov, futur président du Soviet de Vladivostok (1917-18), puis étudiant à l’Université de Petrograd, où il se joint au mouvement révolutionnaire. Photo prise à Saint-Pétersbourg, c. 1911-1916.

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En mai 1918, le Chemin de Fer Transsibérien tomba sous le contrôle de la Légion tchécoslovaque, une force militaire extraordinaire abandonnée par la Révolution. Les 66 000 anciens prisonniers de guerre tchécoslovaques saisirent 6000 kilomètres de voie ferré controllée par l’armé Rouge entre l’Oural et Vladivostok. Cette « armée sans pays » forma de l’avant-garde de l’intervention alliée.

Le 28 Juin 1918, les Tchèques dirigea l’occupation alliée de Vladivostok. Des Marines japonaises, britanniques, américaines et chinoises débarquèrent de leurs navires dans la Baie « Golden Horn » puis saisirent la gare, la poudrière, et d’autres points stratégiques. Les Tchèques renversèrent le Soviet local, arrêtèrent Sukhanov et tuèrent 44 débardeurs armés. Vingt mille citoyens de Vladivostok assistèrent à ce « Funéraires Rouge ». Le contrôle politique passa au cabinet du russe Blanc Général Horvath.

Intervention du Canada

Ministère de la Défense Nationale, Collection de la Revue Militaire Canadienne

Premier Ministre canadien Sir Robert Borden et le jeune Sir Winston Churchill, Londres, juillet 1918. Le Cabinet de Guerre Impérial décida en juillet 1918 d’envoyer des troupes en Sibérie pour intervenir dans la guerre civile russe.

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Ceci fut la conjoncture dans laquelle le Premier Ministre canadien, Sir Robert Borden, envoya des troupes canadiennes en Russie. Borden passa l’été de 1918 à Londres, où le Cabinet de Guerre Impérial décida d’intervenir contre le gouvernement Bolchévik sur quatre fronts. En vu de la proximité géographique de Vladivostok en provenance de la côte ouest canadienne, 1500 soldats britanniques furent placés sous commandement canadien.

Le Conseil Privé du Canada approuva la création de la Force Expéditionnaire canadienne (en Sibérie) pour contribuer à l’intervention étrangère en Sibérie et en Extrême-Orient russe: 70 000 Japonais, 12 000, 2000 Italiens, 12 000 Polonais, 4000 Serbes, 4000 Roumains, 5000 Chinois, et 1850 Français. Avec la Légion tchécoslovaque et les forces russes Blanches, l’effectif total anti-Bolchévik entre l’Oural et le Pacifique dépassa 350 000 soldats.

Bibliothèque du Congrès Américain (United States Library of Congress)

Lithographe représentant le débarquement des troupes japonaises à Vladivostok, c. août 1918.

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Collection Sidney Rodger, Beamsville, Ontario

Carte postale montrant la Force Expéditionnaire américaine marchant dans la rue Svetlanskaya le jour de leur débarquement à Vladivostok, août 1918.

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Musée d’État V.K. Arseniev de la région Primorsky, Vladivostok, Russie

L’amiral Aleksandr Vasilevich Koltchak, chef de le gouvernement blanc «de toute la Russie» basé à Omsk, allié du Canada, et ancien commandant de la flotte du tsar de la Mer Noire.

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En novembre 1918, la guerre s’acheva sur le Front de l’Ouest et les russes Blancs changèrent de commandement. L’Amiral Alexandre Vassilievitch Koltchak, ancien commandant de la flotte tsariste de la mer Noire, monta un coup d’état à Omsk en Sibérie puis se proclama dictateur d’un gouvernement « de la Russie entière », promettant de s’unir avec les forces Blanches. Koltchak devenu ainsi l’homme des Alliés en Sibérie.


  • 1 Numériquement, la FECS fut dépassée par les forces canadiennes dans la Guerre des Boers (1899-1902), la Première Guerre Mondiale (1914-18), la Seconde Guerre Mondiale (1939-45), et la Guerre de Corée (1950-53), ainsi que le déploiement de la 4e Brigade Mécanisé canadienne en Allemagne de l’Ouest pendant la Guerre Froide (1951-93).
  • 2 Raymond Massey, When I Was Young (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 200.
  • 3 Jonathan D. Smele, « White Gold: The Imperial Russian Gold Reserve in the Anti-Bolshevik East, 1918–? (An Unconcluded Chapter in the History of the Russian Civil War) », Europe-Asia Studies 46, 8 (1994): 1317–47; « Cannot Get Labor to Discharge Cargo », Colonist, 15 March 1917.
  • 4 « M. Lenine’s Coup D’Etat », Daily Colonist, 9 novembre 1917.
  • 5 « Lenine’s Doctrine Scares Ruling Class », British Columbia Federationist (Vancouver), 14 décembre 1917.
  • 6 Robert N. Murby, « Canadian Economic Commission to Siberia, 1918–1919 », Canadian Slavonic Papers 11, 3 (1969): 374–93; Lothar Deeg, Kunst & Albers Wladiwostok: Die Geschichte eines deutschen Handelshauses im russischen Fernen Osten 1864-1924 (Essen: Klartext-Verlagsges, 1996); James Mackintosh Bell, Side Lights on the Siberian Campaign (Toronto: Ryerson, n.d. [c. 1922]).
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Почему Сибирь?

Что привело 4200 канадцев во Владивосток в один из самых темных моментов его истории? Как получилось, что социальные и геополитические причины Первой мировой войны и российской революции в итоге привели к отправке солдат из Канады и десятка других стран на российский Дальний восток?

рис. Бенджамина Айситта

Канадская интервенция в России во время Гражданской войны.

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Канадские экспедиционные силы в Сибири по своей величине были шестыми за всю военную историю Канады. 1 Это было также первое вторжение Канады на Дальний Восток, это была одна из наиболее крупных интервенций за годы Гражданской войны в России. Небольшие канадские контингенты были в Мурманске и Архангельске (500 и 600 чел. соответственно), а также на берегу Каспийского моря в Баку, где 41 канадец присоединились к британским войскам из Багдада с целью оккупации каспийских нефтяных залежей. Что же канадцы делали в России?

Канадские цели в России менялись с самого начала до конца и представляли собой комбинацию военной стратегии, дипломатии, экономических интересов и идеологии.

Октябрьская революция в России

Источник: Коллекция Сиднея Роджера, г. Бимсвилль, Канада

Бухта Золотой рог, Владивосток, 1918 г. Живописная гавань заполнена иностранными военными кораблями в первые месяцы после Октябрьской революции. Они стояли на якоре у Владивостока до тех пор, пока Советская власть не была свергнута в городе союзниками в июне 1918 года.

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Канада отправила своих солдат в Сибирь после социалистической революции, выведшей Россию из Первой мировой войны. По мнению офицера, артиллериста Раймонда Мэсси «экспедиция должна была завершить создание того, что Уинстон Черчилль назвал «санитарным кордоном», которому следовало сдержать большевистскую революцию» 2

Канадскую военную экспедицию в Сибири необходимо понимать в контексте четырех лет кровопролития на западном фронте Первой мировой войны. 66 тысяч канадцев погибло к окопах Франции и Фландрии, пол миллиона получили ранения. Между тем, когда поток добровольцев идти на фронт иссяк, в 1917 г. канадское правительство издало указ об обязательной воинской повинности. В годы войны Канада начала оказывать некоторое влияние на внешнюю политику метрополии, так премьер-министр Роберт Боден участвовал в совещаниях Имперского военного кабинета в Лондоне.

В 1917 г. Россия была союзницей Канады. Группа канадских военных офицеров совершала поездку по России в начале 1917 г., когда царь Николай II планировал крупное наступление на Восточном фронте. Будучи в Петрограде, канадцы остановились в отеле Астория как раз в тот момент, когда началась демонстрация текстильных работниц, которая уже через неделю привела к политическому кризису, в результате которого царь отрекся от трона. Трехсотлетняя монархия дома Романовых пала.

В течение следующих шести месяцев власть перешла из рук Временного правительства Александра Керенского к Советам, представляющих из себя совет рабочих, солдатских и крестьянских представителей. Керенский был умеренным социалистом, желающим превратить Россию в либеральную демократию, он выступал также за продолжение войны с Германией. Но Советы отвергли эти взгляды. Они требовали «немедленного мира» и провозглашали далеко идущие экономические реформы, отражающие влияние радикальной партии большевиков (Русская социал-демократической рабочая партия, РСДРП).

Источник: Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

Владимир Ильич Ленин, лидер Большевистской партии и глава (вождь) России после Октябрьской революции 1917 г. Будучи интеллектуалом, прожившим годы в изгнание, Ленин со своими коллегами марксистами, по мнению профессора Бориса Колонитского из Санкт-Петербургского Института истории, «обучались революции всю свою жизнь». Они взяли власть над народом с лозунгами: «Мир, Землю и Хлеб!» и «Вся власть Советам!»

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Большевики захватили власть в ноябре 1917 года, когда войска дезертировали с фронта. Россия начала семидесятилетний эксперимент с социализмом. Частная собственность была конфискована, большевики аннулировали все царские долги перед иностранными банками: в том числе 13 млрд. рублей, которые Николай II взял у Англии и Франции для финансирования войны.

В порту Владивостока без должной охраны находилось 700 000 тонн военных грузов. Куда входили 30 000 железнодорожных колес, отправленных из Канады для нужд царской армии. Для гарантии кредитов, царь отправил золото четырьмя суднами в противоположном направлении из Владивостока в Ванкувер, а затем в хранилище Банка Англии в Оттаве по железной дороги через всю Канаду. 3

Источник: Коллекция Френсиса Перси, Лас Вегас, США

Запасы ящиков с обмундированием в верфях Владивостока. Около 700 000 тонн грузов было отправлено союзниками (страны Антанты) в помощь царской армии до революции.

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Канада и страны Антанты отказались признать новое правительство большевиков, газеты называли это «Возведение анархии на престол в Петрограде.» 4 Однако некоторые канадцы имели противоположную точку зрения, что показывает напряженность внутри Канады между трудящимися, работодателями и правительством. Конфликтующий класс существовал еще до войны, но пробудился в результате обязательного воинского призыва на войну, цензуры и высокой стоимости жизни.

Члены Социалистической партии Канады приветствовали большевистскую революцию, как логический ответ на войны и неравенство, имеющиеся в капиталистической системе. Джозеф Нейлор, шахтер угольных шахт в Ванкувере и президент Федерации труда провинции Британская Колумбия выразил эту точку зрения:

«Разве не настало время, чтобы рабочие всего западного мира действовали аналогично русским большевикам и не разобрались со своими боссами также, как храбрые русские делают сейчас?» 5

Правительство Р. Бодена считало, что подобные идеи подорвут существующий правопорядок и подставят под угрозу легитимность власти в Канаде. Премьер-министр назначил адвоката из Монреаля Чарльза Кэхен расследовать «большевистское влияние» в Канаде. Кэхен, который вскоре был назначен главой общественной безопасности, в том числе представлял фирмы входящие в канадские автомобильные компании, где были произведены железнодорожные колеса для царского правительства России.

Когда большевики предложили всем воюющим странам собраться на мирной конференции, страны Антанты проигнорировали приглашение. Большевики ответили подписанием сепаратного мирного договора с Германией, так называемым Брест-Литовским мирным договором, и опубликовали тайные договоры Николая II с союзниками по Антанте.

Россия стала врагом Канады.

Белое движение

Источник: Albert Rhys Williams, Through the Russian Revolution (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921)

Белые войска продвигаются вперед в Сибири. По словам американского журналиста Альберта Уильямса: «В попытке подавить Советов, стальное кольцо из штыков растянулось на тысячи верст вокруг России».

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Оппозиция большевикам сформировалась в «белое» движение против «красных» в европейской части России на реке Дон, затем движение распространилось в Сибири и на Дальнем Востоке. Генерал Дмитрий Хорват, бывший доверенный Николая II, мобилизовал армию в китайском городе Харбин. Хорват был управляющим Китайской восточной железной дороги, которая связывала Владивосток с основной Транссибирской железной дорогой.

Источник: коллекция Экспедиция Канады в Сибирь

Генерал Дмитрий Хорват, доверенный царя, бывший руководитель Китайской восточной железной дороги. Хорват был продвинут к власти союзниками и чехословацким выступлением против Советов во Владивостоке.

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В декабре 1917 г. Китайские войска разоружили большевистски настроенных русских в Харбине, что было первым иностранным вмешательством в гражданскую войну в России. В следующем месяце Япония направила корабли Ивами и Асахи в бухту Золотой Рог, после чего британские крейсера Сафолк и Кент также бросили якорь в бухте Владивостока. В феврале 1918 г. к ним подошел американский корабль Бруклин. Японские морские пехотинцы высадились на берег в начале марта для защиты консульства.

Источник: коллекции Роберта МаКнея, г. Катрин, пров. Онтарио, Канада

Британский военный корабль пришвартовался на пристани в бухте Золотой Рог, г. Владивосток, 1918 г.

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Оккупация Владивостока союзниками

Пристани и склады Владивостока были полны 700 000 тонн военных грузов, которые не были отправлены на фронт из-за проблем на Транссибирской железной дороге. Власть в городе была взята большевиками, под руководством Константина Суханова, когда рабочие начали захватывать заводы и военный порт, дипломаты Антанты и бизнесмены встревожились не на шутку.

Другие иностранцы смотрели на Сибирь как на регион с богатыми ресурсами и огромным рынком, которым в свое время успешно управляла немецкая компания «Кунсть и Альберс», создавшая крупную торговую сеть по всему Дальнему Востоку. Канадский офицер и разведчик Джеймс Макинтош сообщил премьер-министру Канады, что занять место немцев является «прекрасной возможностью для Канады». 6

Источник: Государственный музей Приморского края им. В.К. Арсеньева, Владивосток, Россия.

Константин Суханов, глава Советов во Владивостоке 1917-1918 гг., участник революционного движения в Петрограде. Фотография сделана в Санкт-Петербурге в период с 1911-1916 гг.

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В мае 1918 г. Транссибирская железная дорога перешла под контроль Чехословацкого легиона, своеобразной военной силы, которая потерялась в России после революции. Это сила состояла из 66 000 бывших австро-венгерских военнопленных чешского происхождения. Чехословаки столкнулись с Красной армией и взяли под контроль участок железной дороги длинной в шесть тысяч километров от Урала до Владивостока. «Армия без страны» стала движущей силой для начала крупномасштабной союзнической интервенции.

22 июня 1918 г. чехословаки возглавили оккупацию Владивостока; морские пехотинцы Японии, Британии и США пришвартовались в порте Владивостока и высадились на берег, захватили железнодорожный вокзал, пороховой погреб и другие стратегические точки. Чехи свергли местные Советы, во время ареста Суханова было убито 44 вооруженных рабочих береговой охраны, что скрывались в штабе красных. Двадцать тысяч жителей Владивостока приняли участие в «красных похоронах». Власть в городе перешла белым, во главе с генералом Хорватом.

Канадская интервенция

Источник: Департамент Национальной безопасности, коллекция Канадского военного журнала

Это была встреча в Имперском военном кабинете в течение лета 1918 г., где канадцы, британцы и другие лидеры империи приняли решение отправить войска в Сибирь, чтобы вмешаться в гражданскую войну в России.

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На фоне этих событий премьер-министр Канады Роберт Боден отправил войска в Россию. Лето 1918 г. Р. Боден провел в Лондоне, где Имперский военный кабинет принял решение начать интервенцию на четырех фронтах, чтобы окружить правительство большевиков. В связи с тем, что Владивосток географически расположен ближе к западному побережью Канады, постановили, что британский войска (1500 солдат) будут под канадским командованием.

Канадский тайный совет одобрил создание Канадских экспедиционных сил в Сибири (Canadian Expeditionary Force in Siberia) Помимо канадцев, направивших войска в Сибирь и на Дальний Восток России, были: 70 000 японцев, 12 000 американцев, 2 000 итальянцев, 12 000 поляков, 4 000 сербов, 4 000 румын, 5 000 китайцев, 1850 французов. Совместно с чехословаками и белой армией общая численность антибольшевистских сил между Уралом и Тихим Океаном насчитывала 350 тыс. человек.

Источник: Библиотека Конгресса Соединенных Штатов

Литография, изображающая высадку японский войск во Владивостоке, августа 1918 г.

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Источник: Коллекция Сиднея Роджера, г. Бимсвилль, Канада

Открытка Американских экспедиционных сил марширующих по Светланской улице в день высадки во Владивосток, август 1918 г.

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Источник: Государственный музей Приморского края им. В.К. Арсеньева, г. Владивосток

Адмирал Александр Васильевич Колчак, глава белого «всероссийского» правительства, базирующегося в Омске; союзник Канады и бывший командующий царского Черноморского флота.

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В ноябре 1918 г. война на западном фронте Первой мировой закончилась и белые русские сменили свое командование. Адмирал Александр Колчак, бывший командир царского Черноморского флота, осуществил переворот в Омске. Колчак провозгласил себя правителем «Всероссийского правительства» обещая объединить все белые силы. Так союзники получили своего человека в Сибири.


  • 1 Канадские экспедиционные силы в Сибири уступали по составу канадским военным контингентам в Англо-бурской войне (1899-1902 гг.), в Первой мировой войне (1914-1918 гг.), во Второй мировой войне (1939-1945 гг.), в Корейской войне (1950-1953 гг.), а также во времена холодной войны уступали Четвертой канадской технической бригаде в Западной Германии (1951-1993 гг.)
  • 2 Raymond Massey, When I Was Young (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 200.
  • 3 Jonathan D. Smele, “White Gold: The Imperial Russian Gold Reserve in the Anti-Bolshevik East, 1918–? (An Unconcluded Chapter in the History of the Russian Civil War),” Europe-Asia Studies 46, 8 (1994): 1317–47; «Cannot Get Labor to Discharge Cargo,» Colonist, 15 March 1917.
  • 4 “M. Lenine’s Coup D’Etat,” Daily Colonist, 9 November 1917.
  • 5 «Lenine’s Doctrine Scares Ruling Class,» British Columbia Federationist (Vancouver), 14 December 1917.
  • 6 Robert N. Murby, “Canadian Economic Commission to Siberia, 1918–1919,” Canadian Slavonic Papers 11, 3 (1969): 374–93; Lothar Deeg, Kunst & Albers Wladiwostok: Die Geschichte eines deutschen Handelshauses im russischen Fernen Osten 1864-1924 (Essen: Klartext-Verlagsges, 1996); James Mackintosh Bell, Side Lights on the Siberian Campaign (Toronto: Ryerson, n.d. [c. 1922]).
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Research Question

Why did the government of Canada send 4,200 soldiers to Vladivostok in 1918-19?

Key Themes
  • • military context of the First World War and Russian Revolution
  • • diplomatic context of Canadian aspirations in the British Empire
  • • economic context of Russia’s debt and hopes for expanded trade in Siberia
  • • ideological context of Bolshevism and the Canadian socialist movement
Question de recherche

Pourquoi le gouvernement canadien envoi-t-il 4200 soldats à Vladivostok en 1918-19?

Principaux thèmes
  • • conjoncture militaire de la Première Guerre mondiale et la Révolution russe
  • • conjoncture diplomatique et aspirations canadiennes dans l’Empire britannique
  • • conjoncture économique de la dette de la Russie et espoirs d’expansion du commerce en Sibérie
  • • conjoncture idéologique du Bolchévisme et du mouvement socialiste canadien
Исследуемый Вопрос

Почему правительство Канады отправило 4200 солдат во Владивосток в 1918-1919 гг.?

Russia and US warships almost coll >

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A Russian warship and a US warship have come close to collision in the western Pacific Ocean, with each side blaming the other for the incident.

Russia’s Pacific Fleet said the cruiser USS Chancellorsville crossed just 50m (160ft) in front of the destroyer Admiral Vinogradov at 06:35 Moscow time (03:35 GMT).

It was forced to perform «emergency manoeuvring» to avoid the US ship.

But US forces blamed the Russians, claiming their ship was responsible.

US Seventh Fleet Commander Clayton Doss called the Russians «unsafe and unprofessional», saying their destroyer «made an unsafe manoeuvre against USS Chancellorsville». He dismissed the Russian allegation as «propaganda».

Admiral Vinogradov came within 50 to 100 feet (15m-30m) of the USS Chancellorsville in the Philippine Sea, the US said.

The Russian Pacific Fleet meanwhile said the incident took place in the southeast of the East China Sea, and added they had sent a message of protest to the US ship’s commanders.

In a statement it said the US warship had «suddenly changed direction and crossed the path of Admiral Vinogradov just 50m away,» forcing the Russian crew to make a quick manoeuvre.

The US said later that it would lodge a formal diplomatic complaint, or demarche, with Russia over its warship’s movements.

«We’ll have military-to-military conversations with the Russians, and of course we’ll demarche them,» acting Defence Secretary Patrick Shanahan told reporters.

Both countries regularly accuse the other of dangerous military manoeuvres — at sea and in the air.

In November, the US posted footage of a Russian jet intercepting one of its planes over the Black Sea — a move they called «irresponsible», but which the Russians said was to stop «a violation of Russian airspace».

Dangerous and unnecessary brinkmanship

By Jonathan Marcus, BBC defence and diplomatic correspondent

Two warships; two narratives — but one very real chance of accident or potential injury. There is simply no reason for vessels of this size to be in such close proximity.

One of them — or maybe even both — was at fault. Both sides blame the other. But this kind of incident is becoming ever more frequent and it does generally seem to be the result of a concerted policy by Russia to challenge US and its allies naval operations whenever possible.

Often these incidents occur in the Black Sea which Moscow sometimes regards as its own lake; a view with which other states on its shores — some of them Nato members, or aspiring Nato members — disagree.

Such incidents between the US and Russia are less frequent in Asian-Pacific waters, where the tensions tend to be between US and Chinese ships or aircraft. But wherever it occurs naval brinkmanship of this kind is dangerous and unnecessary.

Canada, the new Russia.

Hai gais. Did you know that $1 CAD is $0.75 USD?!
Ergo. everything* on the Canadian Steam Store is automatically 25% off :V.
Time to grab a Canadian friend!

To fellow Canadians: let us lament about our economic woes.

*Disclaimer: Only things that are fairly priced >_>
Disclaimer 2: Not nearly as cheap as Russia, but no region lock :v.

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1 US Dollar equals 69.44 Russian Ruble

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But region lock :v

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I should so go to Canada and buy a bunch of toilet paper

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Canada is in America. It has Canadians on it. And more things. People mostly speak English but in some places (Quebec and around) they speak French. Its flag has a leaf. Canadians like hockey. End

Oh, and sometimes I speak with canadians.

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New Zealand can sometimes beat you guys in game prices. Not often enough though, because some publishers add a NZ tax. 😛

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Oh Oceania tax. there there.

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So many cheap softwares, so few stores that sell decent hardwares :/
Back to Canadania!

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this is one has the same base price in Cad and USD steam store rofl

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The best one is The Witcher 3 :3.

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no lol, $15 USD on gog ukr store

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GOG doesn’t count. No Steam key.

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Can I be your best friend?

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Ummm no sorry thats not how it works, unfortunately they raise the price to compensate, example new release AAA $60 american is now $75 canadian

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That’s what the disclaimer is for :v. Of course, it doesn’t apply to everything.

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Yeah some are even worse $80 for next call of duty 🙁

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Start demanding to be paid in US dollars >_>.

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So that’s why I’ve been getting a few requests from friends to purchase a game for them after which they would overpay in items to get.
Say, that could be very, er. profitable for me.

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Can I be your best friend?

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but we have mexico and brazil, better than canada in prices 🙂

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Yeah but I don’t know anything about football so I can’t make friends there 🙁

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Here’s a ball. Kick it. Fake injury. Congratulalions you now know how to fooball!

You may still try to make a goal, but that’s only for noobs.

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You know you’re already everyone’s friend. :3

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aww 4 years ago

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o hai discount dragon! 😀

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Kitty! We should be friends! :3

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Are you being friendly genuinely, or you’re trying to butter me up for later? 🙁

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Wait, you have butter!? I have a waffle, let’s join forces!

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Deal, but I only have maple syrup. Doesn’t matter, maple syrup is ten times better than butter on waffles.

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You’re too young to be offering anyone to butter you up xD xD xD
Hahhahahah, sorry sweetie, had to do it. 4 years ago

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I’m sad now.
I wanted to find a nice gif of someone being covered in butter but have failed 🙁

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Its the first thing that came to mind:

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Can we move on to cheese? I have a Buffy gif just waiting to be used! xD

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Cheese ‘n butter I dunno. But I certainly do have people (and dog) covered in honey. from photograph Blake Little

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Why would you even. O.o

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Ayyy bond whats up.

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NEVER compare your country to Russia. Even if it is just Steam Price related. it’s fucking demeaning.

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Why must everything be about politics D:.

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Hey, I didn’t pick that unfortunate title, now did I?

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I’m not changing the title, you can be as offended as you want! D:

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I never said you should. You can do whatever you want, cause it’s your thread. Also, I’m not offended at all, I’m not even Canadian. But since you are, I though I might point it out. I don’t think you quite understood me. When I said it’s demeaning, I meant to YOUR COUNTRY, not to Russia. if anything, in Russia’s case, being compared to any civilized country in the world is flattery.

Canada’s NATO Delegation Just Epically Trolled Russia With This Map Of Ukraine

Canada’s delegation to NATO on Wednesday posted a helpful guide for Russian soldiers who have crossed the Ukrainian border «by accident.»

On Twitter, the delegation posted a simple map of «Russia» and «Not Russia.»

» Geography can be tough. Here’s a guide for Russian soldiers who keep getting lost & ‘accidentally’ entering,» the delegation wrote along with the map.

And on Wednesday, Ukraine’s military accused more Russian soldiers of crossing the border, saying a group of Russian paratroopers entered through the small town of Amvrosiyivka in five armored infantry carriers and a truck.

Geoffrey Pyatt, the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, wrote on Twitter Tuesday that Russia’s recent moves in Ukraine «may indicate that a Russian counteroffensive is underway» in southeastern Ukraine, where fighting between the Ukrainian army and pro-Russian separatists has raged for months. Ukraine and Western officials on Wednesday warned that Russia was opening up another, major front in the war, according to The New York Times .

The officials told The Times that Russia has provided support for separatists in the region of Luhansk, where government forces have had recent success in routing pro-Russian rebels. And they are also aiding a separatist push in the south toward the town of Mariupol, a major port on the Azov Sea.

According to the report, Western officials believe the Russian military has fired artillery from within Ukraine. They said it has already been fired to shell Ukrainian forces in Luhansk.

«We judge that self-propelled artillery is operated by Russians rather than separatists since no separatist training on this artillery has occurred to date,» an administration official told The Times.

And according to a translation from Interpreter Magazine, the soldiers did know where they were going.

«I guessed,» the soldier said, «but I realized it when they began to bomb us.»

«Ah-ha. How did you end up on Ukrainian territory?»

«We went in convoys. Not on the roads but through the fields. I didn’t even see when we crossed the border.»

«But did you know you were going to Ukraine?»

«We knew,» the Russian paratrooper confirmed.

The Canadian delegation’s map also notably still includes the region of Crimea — which was formally annexed by Russia in March — as part of Ukraine. The West has refused to recognize and has condemned Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and the U.S. and E.U. have imposed sanctions, but there’s not much more they can or want to practically do about it.

About a month after Russia annexed Crimea, Russian President Vladimir Putin acknowledged he had sent in Russian forces to support local defense teams in the region while fighting raged. He said the troops were deployed to protect Russian-speaking citizens in Crimea.

«Of course we had our servicemen behind the self-defense units of Crimea,» Putin said during an annual televised call-in with the nation in April. «We had to make sure what is happening now in eastern Ukraine didn’t happen there.»

Ultimately, Western officials fear that the new Russian offensive could be part of an overall plan to «carve out a land link» between Russia and Crimea.

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